OPINION
Chittaranjan Nepali’s epic themes of history
His major thrust was the study of the characters in national history who had performed heroic acts.
- ABHI SUBEDI
Chittaranjan Nepali (1931-2023), probably the oldest historian many of us knew, should be remembered today for several reasons. Like many historians who tend to present grand images of their favourite historical times and events, Chitdai, as we knew him, too, foregrounds the epic nature of events and personas of history in his writings. Historical and literary writings constitute Chitdai’s oeuvre. History, whether seen as messianic like Walter Benjamin or materialistic like Karl Marx, reverberates to the present. My interest in this subject is guided by my background as a literary person interested in the cohesion of the heroic psyche commonly evoked in the oldest literary genre, epic and “grand history”.
Chitdai had a keen interest in heroic epic characters in history who lived up to the expectations of the common people. There are mainly two trends in history writing. The most known form follows a canon that focuses on the history’s heroic or dominating characters and events. The other is oriented towards deconstructing that or putting a different perspective. The majority of Nepali historians have more or less followed the former. Significantly, Chitdai had a great respect for Nepali historians, including Baburam Acharya, Nayaraj Panta and Mahesh Chandra Regmi.
I was struck by the demise of this nonagenarian historian whom I had proposed to interview for a long article and had mentioned some topics to him. They included his choice of heroes in Nepali history, sense of nationalism, recollections about his discovery of the manuscripts of Nepali poems, and perceptions. Inquiring about his experiences and interpretations of the Nepal-China borders would be important, as he was involved in that process. Fundamentally, that ran into his family, which we can see especially from the impact of his father Sardar Medini Prasad Rajbhandari’s knowledge about the Nepal-Tibet China relationship and work in that area.
As I was familiar with his associations and company with some major Nepali writers and some of his views about personas and the imago effects, I wanted to discuss topics from those areas. Sadly, I missed that opportunity! This brief article is an attempt to allude to some of those themes.
Chitdai’s life as a government servant had its own history. But some of his works cohered with his responsibility as a government employee. His book Nepal-Chin Simana Sandhi, or ‘Nepal-China Border Agreement’, published in 1964, is an example.
The long document signed on March 21, 1960, by Nepali Prime Minister BP Koirala and Chinese Prime Minister Chou En-Lai during Koirala’s China visit, was handwritten by Narayan Prasad Rajbhandari, alias Chittaranjan Nepali, who worked as a member secretary of the drafting committee.
Chitdai lived two lives, as it were. It must have been both exciting and challenging for him to put the two sides together for that long. He spent his entire life both as a bureaucrat, an active research-savvy historian and a sensitive literary researcher. He had a bizarre story to tell. He was invited to identify the dead body of Wangdi, a Tibetan fighter killed by the Nepali army. He had appeared in a photo found in the pocket of the dead. This event had no connection with his life as a historian and writer. Sitaram Baral has written a very readable storyobi of Chitdai in Nepalkhabar (November 2, 2023). Based on Chitdai’s conversations and the ease and confidence with which he wrote, we can say that he was a historian with a strong passion for uncovering important events.
Reviewing his oeuvre and what I knew from my close acquaintance, I always felt that Chitdai was impelled by a sense of heroism in history. He was familiar with Western philosophy as postulated in English philosopher Thomas Carlyle’s book On Heroes, Hero-Worship, and the Heroic in History. Though I did not discuss this subject with him in detail, I knew from reading his works and personal conversations that Chitdai’s major thrust of history was the study of the characters in national history who had performed what he considered heroic acts.
He looked at native history and the acts of some personas whom he considered heroic characters. Chitdai’s magnum opus General Bhimsen Thapa ra Tatkalin Nepal won him Madan Puraskar, a literary award, in 2013 BS. This book is founded upon his argument that Thapa is a hero in Nepali history though historians are divided about his achievements and positions. Chitdai’s other books of history take up different national heroes. The major titles speak about that. They are “Shree 5 Rana Bahadur Shah” and “Jung Bahadurko Katha”, besides others that deal with the family conspiracies and power structure of the Ranacracy as described in Ranashahiko Rolevyavastha ra Dharmapatraharu.
Chitdai was a literary critic, researcher and translator of Visakhadatta’s Mudra Rakchas and Chittadhar Hridaya’s Newar epic Sugata Saurava. He is known to have discovered the works of some Nepali poets for the first time. I have written about that aspect of his personality in my book Nepali Literature: Background and History (1978). He discovered a poet named Udayanada Aryal whom he calls a good Nepali poet. According to Chitdai, the poem, which he discovered, was written around 1776, or during the reign of Pratap Singh Shah. Not much is known about the poet’s life. However, it is known that this poet’s uncle, Pundit Shakti Ballav Aryal, also a poet, was a Pundit at the court of Gurkha. The poet was very much influenced by the “personality and glory” of King Prithvi Narayan Shah.
Besides, Chitdai has written a long critical essay on Diamond Shumsher Rana’s historical novel Seto Bagh, a novel based on the life of Junga Bahadur. Chitdai has criticised the “inappropriate use of history” in this novel. As a literary essayist, he published critical and progressive essays in the old issues of the literary magazine Sharada during the period of political transition in the great fifties.
Metaphorically, Chitdai, in his quest for epic themes, turned to a major poetic oeuvre in the Newar language titled Sugata Saurabha, which was written on the life of the Buddha by poet Chittadhar Hridaya in the mid-1940s when he was put to jail for his democratic views by the Rana autocracy. Nepali has brilliantly translated this epic into Nepali with a long introduction; Nepal Academy published it in 2059 BS. Chittaranjan Nepali’s quest for epic themes finally rests in this great epic of peace, calm and creative dynamism.
OPINION
The boring truth about AI
New technologies introduce new risks, yet life goes on.
- AMAR BHIDÉ
Experts who warn that artificial intelligence poses catastrophic risks on par with nuclear annihilation ignore the gradual, diffused nature of technological development. As I argued in my 2008 book, The Venturesome Economy, transformative technologies—from steam engines, aeroplanes, computers, mobile telephony, and the internet to antibiotics and mRNA vaccines—evolve through a protracted, massively multiplayer game that defies top-down command and control.
Joseph Schumpeter’s “gales of creative destruction” and more recent theories trumpeting disruptive breakthroughs are misleading. As economic historian Nathan Rosenberg and many others have shown, transformative technologies do not suddenly appear out of the blue. Instead, meaningful advances require discovering and gradually overcoming many unanticipated problems.
New technologies introduce new risks. Invariably, military applications develop alongside commercial and civilian uses. Aeroplanes and motorised ground vehicles have been deployed in conflicts since World War I, and personal computers and mobile communication are indispensable for modern warfare. Yet life goes on. Technologically advanced societies have developed legal, political, and law-enforcement mechanisms to contain the conflicts and criminality that technological advances enable. Case-by-case court judgments are crucial in the United States and other common-law countries. These mechanisms—like the technologies themselves—are evolutionary and adaptive. They produce pragmatic solutions, not visionary constructs.
The Manhattan Project, which developed the atomic bomb and helped end World War II, was an exception. It had a high-priority military mandate. With the Nazis seeking to develop a bomb of their own, speed and effective leadership were essential. And as all-out thermonuclear war became a real threat, statecraft and strategic deterrence helped avert doomsday.
But nuclear weapons are a misleading analogy for AI, which has followed the typically diffused, halting pattern of most other technological transformations. AI spans disparate techniques—such as machine learning, pattern recognition, and natural language processing—and has wide-ranging applications. Their common feature is mainly aspirational—to go beyond mere calculation to more speculative yet useful inferences and interpretations.
Unlike the Manhattan Project, which proceeded at breakneck speed, AI developers have been at work for more than seven decades, quietly inserting AI into everything from digital cameras and scanners to smartphones, automatic braking and fuel-injection systems in cars, special effects in movies, Google searches, digital communications, and social-media platforms. And, as with other technological advances, AI has long been put to military and criminal uses.
Yet AI advances have been gradual and uncertain. IBM’s Deep Blue famously beat world chess champion Garry Kasparov in 1997—40 years after an IBM researcher first wrote a chess-playing program. And though Deep Blue’s successor, Watson, won $1 million by beating the reigning Jeopardy! champions in 2011, it was a commercial failure. In 2022, IBM sold off Watson Health for a fraction of the billions it had invested. Microsoft’s intelligent assistant, Clippy, became an object of ridicule. And after years of development, autocompleted texts continue to produce embarrassing results.
Machine learning—essentially a souped-up statistical procedure that many AI programs depend on—requires reliable feedback.
But good feedback demands unambiguous outcomes produced by a stable process. Ambiguous human intentions, impulsiveness, and creativity undermine statistical learning and thus limit the useful scope of AI. While AI software flawlessly recognises my face at airports, it cannot accurately comprehend the nuances of my carefully and slowly spoken words. The inaccuracy of 16 generations of professional dictation software (I bought the first in 1997) has repeatedly frustrated me.
Large language models (LLMs), which have become the public face of AI, are not technological discontinuities that magically transcend the limitations of machine learning. Claims that AI is advancing at warp speed confuse a mania with useful progress. I became an enthusiastic user of AI-enabled search back in the 1990s. I thus had high hopes when I signed up for ChatGPT’s public beta in December 2022. But my hopes that it, or some other LLM, would help with a book I was writing were dashed. While the LLMs responded in comprehensible sentences to questions posed in natural language, their convincing-sounding answers were often make-believe.
Thus, whereas I found my 1990s Google searches to be invaluable timesavers, checking the accuracy of LLM responses made them productivity killers. Relying on them to help edit and illustrate my manuscript was also a waste of time. These experiences make me shudder to think about the buggy LLM-generated software being unleashed on the world.
That said, LLM fantasies may be valuable adjuncts for storytelling and other entertainment products. Perhaps LLM chatbots can increase profits by providing cheap if maddening, customer service. Someday, a breakthrough may dramatically increase the technology’s useful scope. For now, though, these oft-mendacious talking horses warrant neither euphoria nor panic about “existential risks to humanity.” Best keep calm and let the traditional decentralised evolution of technology, laws, and regulations carry on.
Bhidé is a Professor of Health Policy at Columbia University’s Mailman School of Public Health.
— Project Syndicate
OPINION
Environmental justice for Harawa-Charawa
They face a higher risk of climate-induced stressors due to class- and caste-based economic discrimination.
- Suresh Dhakal
In Madesh Pradesh, approximately 69,000 families of Harawa-Charawa (HC) face the threat of floods and environmental hazards. HC are bonded agricultural labourers, most of whom are landless Dalits. Primarily because of unpaid debt, they are coerced to work as ploughmen or agricultural labourers for landlords.
Centuries of structural inequalities and injustice expose HC to unequal impacts of environmental hazards. David N. Pellow, in his article titled ‘Environmental Inequality Formation: Toward a Theory of Environmental Injustice’, published in the journal American Behavioral Scientists, argues that environmental inequality results from “the intersection between environmental quality and social hierarchy”. Those like HC suffering economic and social inequalities struggle with disproportionate environmental inequality and vulnerability. Primary information gathered from selected sites of Madhesh Pradesh in the winter of 2022 suggests that for HC climate change makes all of this worse.
Contracts that bind
Mahesh Chandra Regmi, in his treasured work Land Tenure and Taxation in Nepal (1978), explains that the bonded labour system in agriculture, like the HC system, emerged alongside Nepal’s feudal land systems in the 1700s and onward, with the state granting land to its functionaries and service providers, members of the royal family, warrior family, priests, and close kin and officials. Through such a state-facilitated process, a few privileged families accumulated huge areas of land, while the vast majority had to provide free service, known as Jhara, to those landlords.
Over the next few centuries, Nepal’s landless agricultural labourers became increasingly dependent on the landlords for their livelihoods. With accumulated debt, this dependency gradually bonded them. Eventually, this unfree labour system was mapped onto Nepal’s caste system, which positioned members of the most oppressed occupational caste (Dalits) at the bottom of this hierarchy.
As time passed, HC could not detach themselves from their landlords because they feared losing shelter and livelihood. Consequently, such unequal landlord-landless relationships were institutionalised as patron-client relationships. HC would enter into such a contract through a ritualised process, traditionally on the day of Shreepanchami, usually in mid-February. Such rituals legitimised the practice as a social-cultural contract, despite it being discriminatory and exploitative to the laborers.
Caste-class matrix and climate injustice
A convoluted history of caste and class factors in Nepal has resulted in harmful practices and injustice. The same historical process left Dalits bereft of landownership and turned them landless over the generations. It calls for a historical understanding to comprehend the contemporary HC phenomenon in its entirety.
According to research by a non-governmental organisation, Community Self-Reliant Centre (CSRC), 88 percent of HC live in temporary shelters made of wattle and daub, and only 29 percent of them own the land where they have built their houses. Usually, HC settlements are in congested areas, and spaces inside and outside of houses are crammed and of low-quality construction. They are usually located in hazard-prone areas, such as unregistered land along rivers, ponds, canals, and roadsides, or, degraded and low-quality land provided by the landlords.
Additionally, HC suffer from food insecurity. Because of landlessness, 39 percent do not have any food production. Another 27 percent can survive only up to three months from their agricultural products. Only one percent produce enough for the whole year. This shows the vulnerability of HC.
Members of HC families reported that in the last few rainy seasons, settlements flooded, shelters collapsed, and stored food was destroyed. They had to take refuge in local schools. During such events, their mobility was restricted, and they often lost work and wages. Children could not go to school as culverts were clogged and trails were washed away.
Climate change has also created temperature hazards for HC. Many infants and elderly people die
of extreme cold in the winter. Likewise, agricultural workers often fall sick or die from heat stroke during the hot season
HCs are not only vulnerable to floods, storms and other hazards but they often get less relief. A Dalit woman told me and my colleagues, “Even if the heavy rain and flooding affect us the most, we always get relief and support at the end”. She added, “We are weaker, therefore we are discriminated against”.
A rights activist working with HC observed, “Because of a lack of access to information, the response is delayed in some cases.” The Vice-Chairperson of Dhanuji Rural Municipality remarked, “The Palika itself does not discriminate, but those who are affected cannot approach the office by themselves on time.” She added, “Whoever is responsible for distributing relief and rescue activities may have delayed reaching to them also because of the limited human and other resources.”
As climatic events such as flooding, drought, and other extreme weather become more frequent and severe, HC and other marginalized groups will experience worsening living and working conditions.
Justice to HC
We can’t understand the unequal impacts of environmental hazards like floods without understanding caste-class discrimination. HC face a higher risk of climate-induced stressors and disasters because of economic discrimination based on caste and class. A regional human rights organisation, Forum Asia, reveals that on one hand, climate-induced disasters have been prevalent in Madhesh Province, and on the other, highly relevant climate change projects are found to have been depleting in Nepal with little attention being given to vulnerable groups.
HC are not politically organised and are not economically stable enough to effectively demand their legal rights and push for broader social and environmental justice. HC cannot resist environmental injustice and other forms of discrimination and exploitation; hence for many years ahead, they will continue to suffer disproportionate damage and loss.
The Government of Nepal should recognise the specific needs of HC social and economic positions, and realise that a general framework to address their problems may not work. Policies and implementation strategies must link caste, class, labour, agriculture, and environmental dynamics.
The Constitution of Nepal (2015), the National Land Policy (2019), and some other state policies provide an adequate legal base for eradicating the HC practice. Unfortunately, the government’s unpreparedness to implement those constitutional provisions and policies has not only delayed but obstructed justice for HC. Such barriers to justice will be recorded as a lost opportunity in history.
Dhakal teaches anthropology at Tribhuvan University. This article is excerpted from a chapter in the book “Environmental Justice in Nepal: Origins, Struggles and Prospects”.